Hinging on pro-Iranian al-Maliki to protect Kurdistan is futile

Kurdishaspect.com - By Ahmad Farhardpour

Iraqi Kurdistan border regions have come under intermittent ground and aerial assaults by neighboring powerful countries. These threats further escalated in the wake of the 2003 U.S.-led invasion. At present, Islamic Republic of Iran has resumed such confrontational attacks once again, killing scores of innocent civilians. The international community is observing, but not reacting to it. Iranian perpetuation of crimes should not go unnoticed.

To pacify public rage, Kurdish leaders and representatives dismiss their part of answerability by maintaining that there are accords and protocols in effect that constitutionally hinder Kurdish Regional Government from taking unilateral actions to defuse any menace confronting Kurdistan, apparently leaving them with the only alternative to hinge on the leniency of the incumbents in federal government in Baghdad to rush to their aid. Whether it is Kurdish Regional Government�s fragility or limitations, in either case, it does not resolve the setback. 

If Kurdistan is part of a federalist, democratic and pluralistic Iraq as claimed by KRG officials, then so should the burden of security provision and preservation of its territorial integrity remain those of the federal government? Iraqi citizens would like to know what has been rendered so far by their so-called federal government as regards protecting them. If the federal government is unwilling or pathetic to guard them, then who is? Has not yet the Iraqi Army or Kurdish Regional Government Army been effectively trained and empowered adequately to cope with foreign threats after elongated 8 years? And if not, where and how have all the allocated funds been expended. How long more time and what other means do they require achieving their goals.

Kurds are swindling themselves by believing in a worthless, reversible constitution. Instead, they should come up with their own contingency strategies, and no longer squander time pivoting on any external source for backing, including the United States. Inaction and silence is not the solution, nor do they have many sympathizers in the region.

The pro-Iranian al-Maliki has not only not condemned Iranian cross-border incursions, but also indirectly enticed them. Tarrying for premier al-Maliki to protect Iraqi Kurdistan from Iranian encroachments is an off beam inference. The premier is an Iranian surrogate merely implementing the agendas and behests issued on behalf of Ayatollahs. His government�s economic, military, and political foundation is sketched from the outset by the Islamic Republic. It is run behind-the-scene by the Islamic Republic, and it can be undermined or collapsed at any split second, should Tehran purports to do so. Al-Maliki survival on Iranian backing has climaxed a pinnacle that for every minor ruling on government issues, he has to either pay a visit to Tehran or dispatch an envoy to seek prior consultation. Baghdad has turned into a tourist resort for Iranian Spiritual leader, Parliament Speaker, Secretary of Supreme National Security Council (SNSC), and IRCG generals who fly there to hold talks with al-Maliki on a regular basis. Cities in Karbala and Najaf do not hold any major difference than Qum and Isfahan.

Iran is the number one major powerbroker in Iraqi affairs and a conclusive spoiler of the United States' plans to establish a more inclusive and Western-leaning government. The US is too tentative to curb Iranian growing leverage, and defy its proven sponsor of terrorism in Iraq.

Iran was the first neighbor to recognize the U.S.-sponsored Iraqi Governing Council in 2003. No other regional head of state had visited Iraq before Iran's President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. Iran vigorously strove to guarantee "Dawa party" ascendancy to power as the superlative Shiite force, by even getting Syria and the Lebanese Hizbullah directly involved to back al-Maliki reelection. It was the very same Iran, who convinced the Shiite clerical leader Muqtada al-Sadr, leader of the Sadr Movement, to back al-Maliki-led government, as well. Iraq means everything to Iran, even more than Syria or Palestine. 

Even if al-maliki decides to side with the Kurds, and persuade Iran to cease shelling Kurdistan border areas, his senior party members who are directly appointed and hold full loyalty to Iranian Shiite theocracy, could easily bar and reverse his decisions. If a prior accord is already in place between Baghdad-KRG-Tehran, Iraqi citizens reserve the rights to be informed about their government�s actions. If KRG is a signatory, KRG should come up with rationalization to its own Kurdish citizens.

How do the Kurds expect a Prime Minister who has said Iraq would not allow its territory to be used as a platform to harm the Islamic republic, thanked Iran for its positive and constructive work in providing security and fighting terrorism in Iraq and repeatedly begged Tehran to support reconstruction and boost economic and commercial co-operation with Iraq, come to their rescue? How do the Kurds anticipate Al-Miliki to strain his "Dawa" party's ties with its architect caregiver ally for the sake of non-Arab, non-Shiite Kurdish interests?

Iraqi current Federalist system of governance is a failed on, perceptibly promoting the interests of all constituencies, but the Kurds. The Kurds are turning to the wrong premier for protection. 










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July 30, 2011
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